By Ola Mohammed
Introduction:
Women’s activism in Sudan has a deep historical foundation, from the earliest women’s unions in the 1940s to the 2019 revolution and the crucial role women play in the current emergency humanitarian response. Balghis Badri identifies that feminism in Sudan is a heterogeneous and context-specific range of thinking and practice, rather than a singular ideology. It includes both intellectual and grassroots attempts to challenge the social, cultural, and legal structures that perpetuate women’s subordination. Badri defines feminism as a paradigm that generates new information and tactics for achieving equality by transforming attitudes, laws, and institutions, while also acknowledging that many Sudanese women express feminist beliefs via everyday actions of resistance rather than academic discussion.
As feminist scholars Mayada and Seraf note in Feminist Africa, Sudanese women have long resisted state control in everyday life, from the Women Tea Sellers Association’s street-level organizing to student protests and advocacy networks such as “No to Women’s Oppression” and the Strategic Initiative for Women in Africa (SIHA), as Women in the revolutionary movement throughout Sudan’s history were politically informed and rejected the patriarchal structures enforced by Al-Bashir’s regime.
Furthermore, the conversation around women’s rights in Sudan is currently reaching a turning point. Although the movement’s fundamental goals (fighting discrimination and attaining legal, political, and social equality) are based on global human rights principles, the catastrophic war has forced the Sudanese feminist movement into an unparalleled struggle to establish its legitimacy against the relentless tide of gendered disinformation from its opponents.
This article examines the findings of a focus group discussion we held with 20 participants, specifically to dismantle misconceptions used in gendered disinformation campaigns that aim to dismantle feminism in Sudan. The importance of this stems from the need to establish dialogue with feminists on the ground as a starting point for broader society discussions. The participants are women from diverse backgrounds and various fields, including medicine, politics, research, and others.
Feminism in the Sudanese Context:
Participants in the discussion largely defined feminism as a civil rights movement focused on securing political, social, and legal rights for women, including equal wages, equity, and justice with men, by establishing equal opportunities. They affirmed that feminism is fundamentally rooted in human rights, necessitated by the fact that women remain the most oppressed and affected segment of society, politically and otherwise. Mahasin further described it as a social (and sometimes political) movement whose primary goal in the Sudanese context is to demand rights in areas like health and education and to combat discrimination.
Others see feminism as a movement for demands rather than a political movement. Amna, Rawda, and Mai asserted that the integration and association of the Sudanese feminist movement with specific political parties and trends has been detrimental, viewing this political “mixing” as a significant problem. Many called for a re-evaluation and redefinition of the movement’s approach, emphasizing the need for clarity and distinct goals. At the same time, acknowledging that a broader women’s coalition naturally includes diverse political groups (from the far right to the far left), it is essential to stress that the movement’s efforts must prioritize and be shaped by the Sudanese local context and collective needs to effectively secure rights that serve all women.
However, Rayan addressed the debate over whether feminists can or should be political; she emphasized that the intersection between feminism and politics (whether through civil or direct political action) is crucial and can yield significant results. and that political engagement is essential to achieving gains, such as reforming regressive laws (e.g., concerning personal status, “house of obedience,” and child marriage). and concluded by noting that Sudanese feminism historically began with a strong political role and has successfully driven change since 1952, securing fundamental rights like the right to vote, run for office, and women’s representation in parliament. Despite these clear definitions, the group acknowledged that the term “feminism” is still widely misrepresented and met with resistance due to persistent societal myths.
Deconstructing the Myths:
Participants highlighted widespread misconceptions that continue to shape how feminism is perceived in Sudan. In the next section, we will be diving into these misconceptions, gathering what the participants have heard and/or what was said to them, and how the feminist movement/individuals should combat surrounding misconceptions in the community.
Myth 1: Black Feminism: Beyond the “Western intervention” Label
One of the most persistent myths surrounding feminism in Sudan is that it is a Western import, a foreign idea imposed on African societies. This perception, deeply tied to colonial legacies, continues to shape public attitudes toward women who identify as feminists. Postcolonial feminist scholars such as Mohanty (1988) have critiqued the universalization of Western feminist frameworks, arguing that such narratives erase local histories of women’s resistance and agency. Within the Sudanese context, this tension becomes particularly visible, where an inclusive lens needs to be incorporated due to the diversity of the Sudanese women’s identities.
Between agreement in its core as an imported label and refusal of this notion, participants identify this as a deliberate political tool used to shut down discussion and demonize Sudanese feminists. Few participants believe that academically, feminism came from the West indeed in early waves and its documentation; others agreed that feminism is fundamentally rooted in the universal values of justice, equality, and lifting oppression, which are principles that are not exclusive to the West, in light of this, Feminism in Sudan existed from the start with the struggle of women and their issues.
Leenah sees this as an issue within Sudanese communities that tend to view anything perceived to be from the West as automatically a “cultural invasion” due to the historical association with colonialism, while in reality, this is not a monopoly of the West, as a study calls this “White or Western feminism,” an analytical framework that fails to represent or address the diverse experiences of women of color, instead relying on the narrative of the privileged, educated White woman as the norm. This approach universalizes women’s struggle, which conveniently obscures the role of White privilege and the systemic impact of White supremacy. Consequently, this form of feminism has historically perpetuated the exclusion and oppression of Black, Brown, and Indigenous women. Here, it is essential to mention that Black Feminism, a theory and practice that historically emerged, drawing attention to the experiences particularly faced by Black women. The African American scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw has introduced the term “Intersectionality,”, which recognizes the compounded disadvantages “Experiences and Injustices” black women face and calls for a better understanding of how Black women’s lives are shaped by the intersections of race, class, and gender. This is clearly seen within the Sudanese context, for example, this has been mentioned within the Breaking Barriers research by Hopes and Actions Foundation on online gender-based violence (OGBV), indicating that certain women are disproportionately targeted by OGBV due to their age, ethnicity, and other intersecting factors.
Moreover, Maab, amongst a few other participants, sees that those who are against feminism use the “Western-invented” label to frame feminism as a foreign agenda seeking to “control our minds” and contradict Sudanese religious and societal norms. This labeling is intended to delegitimize the movement, rather than engage with its core principles.
Furthermore, participants point to the existence of local, unlabelled feminist acts within Sudanese communities, such as the informal financial and social ‘Sanduq’ (mutual aid/savings box) system and general women’s solidarity and support networks. These acts demonstrate that the core principles of feminism are engulfed in the Sudanese culture, even if the label is resisted. On this note, one participant shed light on the fact that there is a lack of documentation within the history of feminism in Sudan and women’s earlier struggles, thus creating space for the assumption that feminism is a Western import rather than a historical and continuous fight for rights persistent in Sudan.
Myth 2: Feminism’s Relationship with Faith, Traditions, and Sudanese Communities
The group agreed unanimously that the myth portraying feminism as an opponent of Islam and religion, or as an entity trying to dismantle Sudanese customs and social structure, is untrue.
This is a major concern within Sudanese communities and a big factor in rejecting feminism in the country, showing a grave misunderstanding of feminism, that it’s against Islam and they aim at destroying it, along with the Sudanese customs and traditions, with participants noting hearing many rumors that feminists aim to create an ethical void within communities and upcoming generations.
A few participants, including Yasmien, tie this back to the fact that Sudanese communities are built upon customs and traditions inherited from their ancestors; therefore, anything that contradicts these customs is natural for them to stand against, as this is something absolute for them and is forbidden to tamper with. On top of this, feminists are described as being against Men and face severe backlash due to this claim, while it is a clear misunderstanding, as feminism is against the Patriarchal system that oppresses women and aligns with men.
The drive behind feminism’s goal to smash the patriarchal system is its leniency toward abusers. Moreover, the community now acknowledges that the established, normalized violence against women is a contributing factor to the pervasive rape culture being tragically utilized by the warring factions.
Myth 3: “Feminists Are Angry”
This aspect is often leveraged within feminist debate as a means to silence discussions about women’s rights, while it has been mentioned that the anger people feel about the status quo is a legitimate and understandable reaction, not something that should be criticized, given the presence of worldwide injustice.
Other participants argued that feminists are not all angry and that it is due to our diverse methods of self-expression. Additionally, the social expectation for women to be polite and agreeable conflicts with the expression of anger. Consequently, many women feel compelled to conceal their anger.
However, this anger, which is primarily associated with radical feminists, raises the bar for women’s demands; however, it’s also important that this anger is not directed internally at other women and feminists, but rather channeled properly to advocate for women’s rights. This is particularly important, as a young woman noted that this perception deters women from identifying as feminists in certain settings, which is something that needs to be addressed.
Relating to the above points, another common misunderstanding about feminists is the justification of assault and harassment falling upon some, if not all, of the discussion participants and probably others in the field as well, due to the understanding that feminists are “open-minded,” a term that is misunderstood by many men in the community, and justify it in cases of harassment and abuse, which causes continuous mental and physical harm for the women and girls working on the ground.
Towards a More Effective Feminist Movement:
If myths shape how feminism is seen, then breaking them begins with how it is spoken about. In the face of these challenges due to the above-mentioned myths, the activists in the discussion emphasized that overcoming misconceptions requires reframing and reidentifying. In addition to building stronger strategies for the Sudanese feminist movement, they also offered important recommendations to strengthen the movement and expand its popular base, primarily emphasizing an important factor that needs to be addressed, which is Awareness. Here, several participants, including Mai and Farida, emphasized the need to ground feminism in Sudanese realities, whether by connecting it to local religious and cultural practices or by framing it through personal experiences.
Farida emphasized that success does not require “changing our appearance or changing our behavior,” but rather the change must come through reviewing the way issues are presented so that they are more connected to the Sudanese reality. This emphasis on localization and local framing fosters ideas about connecting feminism to values familiar to the Sudanese communities and the local context. Furthermore, participants like Safia argued that efforts should focus on educating younger generations, as their ideas are less rigid, making them receptive to learning the correct meaning of feminism, a crucial step for achieving real, long-term social change.
Lastly, the majority of the participants agreed on the need to unify the feminist movement in Sudan, acknowledging our diverse perspectives and the need for a united and collective feminist speech that can bridge internal differences, which must be reinforced by a strong, supportive legal and judicial system capable of handling women’s issues effectively, inclusive of internal accountability mechanisms that increase healthy participation in social, political, economic, and public life.
Moving forward, participants acknowledged critical internal and external challenges that require further discussion, such as the movement’s persistent generational gap, the need to address the ethics of activists who may be abusing their positions for funding or other benefits, and the fundamental challenge of dismantling the societal norms that justify violence against women in both the physical and online spheres and the role media plays. These unresolved challenges are critical for the Sudanese feminist movement to address as it strives for a more cohesive, locally grounded future.