By Hiba Khidir
Introduction
The ongoing war in Sudan, which started on April 15, 2023, has limited women’s access to essential healthcare, including maternal and reproductive health services, due to the destruction and closure of hospitals. Additionally, It has left women at increased risk of sexual violence, both in their homes and during displacement. Even inside their homes, the war has significantly exacerbated gender-based violence, with women and girls facing increased risks of domestic violence, sexual exploitation, forced marriages, early child marriages, and human trafficking. Victims of sexual violence have experienced immense physical and psychological trauma, and the prevalence of this violence has also silenced other women’s voices and hindered their participation in public life. Moreover, the war has severely and negatively affected women’s access to their livelihood opportunities, leading to economic marginalization and pushing many into vulnerable situations where they are at increased risk of exploitation and abuse.
Despite these immense challenges, Sudanese women continued to resist and organize, and they found innovative ways to circumvent government restrictions and continue their activism. Women’s organizations, often operating in clandestine networks, provided crucial support to vulnerable women, including those affected by the ongoing conflicts in various parts of the country. These women demonstrated remarkable resilience and courage in the face of adversity, continuing to fight for their rights and freedoms despite the significant risks involved. However, the deepening political polarization within the country threatens this critical role. The polarizing ideologies of religion, partisan policies, and patriarchy have long affected the progress and achievements of the feminist movement across the world. For instance, in Mexico, feminist protests organized in 2019 and 2020 to demand an end to police impunity sparked a wave of online violence. This was particularly evident in the activation of two opposing hashtags, #TheyDoRepresentMe and #TheyDon’tRepresentMe, which became platforms of threats, toxicity, and online harassment targeting the protesters. This hostile digital environment limited the effectiveness of their political participation and mobilization efforts.
This article will explore the evolution of Sudanese women’s activism, focusing on their crucial role in the 2019 revolution and the subsequent challenges. Furthermore, it analyzes the impact of online harassment and threats on women’s digital activism, which the feminist movement is facing due to the emerging political polarization amid this war.
Outline and Methodology
The article begins with an overview of the historical background of Sudanese women’s activism since independence, followed by an analysis of their role in facilitating political change and the obstacles they encounter in inclusive political processes. Finally, it delves into the challenges faced by women in navigating the digital sphere amidst the current war, showcasing the impact of political polarization on their online activism and the movement in general.
This article employed a qualitative research approach to delve into the complex issue of how political polarization has impacted the unity and effectiveness of women’s digital activism in Sudan during this war. The approach allowed for a deeper understanding of the phenomenon under study’s social and cultural context. This study’s primary data collection method involved structured interviews with two key informants within the Sudanese feminist movement, who will remain anonymous in this article. Furthermore, the social media posts referred to in this article will also remain anonymous.
Early Influences of Political Polarization on Sudanese Women’s Activism:
The women’s movement in Sudan has a rich history marked by both progress and setbacks. In the early decades (1947 – 1969), women’s rights activists, aligned with nationalist movements, fought for Sudan’s independence and greater equality and participation in public life. The Sudanese Women’s Union (SWU), which was established in 1952 by women graduates and teachers and supported by the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), trade unions, and workers, played a pioneering role in the Sudanese women’s movement. SWU aimed to improve women’s social participation, equal rights, and improved lives across social, economic, and political spheres. It also established a nationwide presence, with branches spanning from North to South and East to West across Sudan. The organization challenged both the remnants of oppressive British colonial laws that denied girls formal education and patriarchal practices justified in the name of religion.
Class dynamics have also influenced the women’s movement since the early days. Upper—and middle-class nationalists often envisioned women’s liberation through a Western-inspired model of social change, which led to tension with lower-middle-class nationalists who feared family destruction, a cornerstone of Islamic society. This tension and discourse continue to influence and divide the contemporary women’s movement, highlighting the impact of society’s patriarchal nature.
The SWU’s advocacy for women’s rights also unfolded against a backdrop of ongoing religious and political tensions. Despite the centrality of religion in Sudanese society, the SWU’s demands for the right to vote, the right to work, equal pay, and family protections faced resistance from several political parties, notably the Muslim Brotherhood, which would later become the National Islamic Front. While religion continued to significantly shape public discourse both within and outside the feminist movement, for instance, the SWU faced strong opposition from sectarian political parties such as the Umma party, Khatmiya, and Muslim Brotherhood (later identified as National Islamic Front) to its agenda that called for fundamental rights such as the right to vote, the right to work, equal pay, and family protections. These political groups argued that the SWU’s activities contradicted Islamic teachings and societal values.
Despite the rejection by political parties, the SWU actively participated in the October Revolution of 1964 against military rule. Women joined street protests, participated in civil strikes, and were part of the National Front. This revolutionary period saw a surge in SWU activities, culminating in women gaining suffrage in 1965 and equal pay rights in 1968. The 1960s also witnessed a rise in women’s organizations, including the first Islamic women’s group, al-Akhwat al-Muslimat, and the Southern Women’s League.
One interviewee traced the roots of disagreement within the Sudanese women’s movement back to the early days of the Sudanese Women’s Union (SWU). These disagreements arose from ideological clashes between liberal and conservative factions within the movement. Furthermore, the SWU’s early alignment with the Communist Party significantly influenced its trajectory and contributed to these divisions. As the government established the Women’s Union of Sudan (WUS) with its distinct ideologies, it introduced competing agendas within the Sudanese women’s movement. This further exacerbated existing tensions and highlighted the polarizing impact of external influence on the movement’s trajectory and unified front. However, the interviewees offered contrasting views on the roots of polarization within the Sudanese women’s movement. While one emphasized the broader historical context, pointing to the 1924 revolution and the expansion of education and women’s roles in society, the other focused on the internal dynamics between leftists and Islamists of the early SWU. This showcases that the ideological clashes and power struggles within the movement itself played a significant role in shaping its trajectory.
The Nemiri regime, which seized power in 1969, supported the movement’s demands with policies securing women’s rights to pensions, maternity leave, and protection against marital abuse. However, he also limited women’s activism and contributed to their division by establishing a state-led initiative, the Women’s Union of Sudan (WUS). His regime controlled this group mainly and directed women’s activism with the government’s agenda that only prioritized concerns of middle-class women, such as working conditions in the formal sector. While important, this focus potentially neglected the needs and concerns of rural women and other marginalized women groups within the movement.
Nevertheless, the establishment of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) in the late 1970s, a set of economic policies introduced by international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, had profound consequences on women. By shifting the responsibility for social welfare from the state to households, SAPs often increased the burden on women, who were disproportionately responsible for unpaid care work and managing household resources with diminished support. Both interviewees acknowledged the significant influence of politics on women’s rights activism, recognizing that political affiliations can intersect with feminist agendas, sometimes leading to conflicts between feminist principles and political goals. While both acknowledge the potential for political influence, they differ in their assessment of its extent. One interviewee suggests that political polarization is widespread within the women’s movement, attributing it to the patriarchal nature of political institutions. While acknowledging the influence of political affiliations, the other interviewee argued that not all feminist activists are inherently polarized. Furthermore, she emphasizes the influence of political parties on some feminist groups, blurring the lines between feminist and political agendas.
Repression and Resistance: Sudanese Women Under the NIF Regime (1989 – 2019)
The National Islamic Front (NIF) started to emerge during Nimeiri’s rule to exert influence on Sudanese society by promoting its conservative ideology and establishing its own network of support. As mentioned, religion has already shaped debates and divisions within the women’s movement, yet with this rise of Islamist ideology, the movement faced increasing pressure from both the state and the rising Islamist forces, leading to internal ideological divisions. This period marked a significant turning point in the history of the Sudanese women’s movement, setting the stage for the political and social upheavals that would follow. The NIF influenced the Nemeiri regime to impose Sharia law in 1983, based on the NIF Islamist ideology, which has a devastating impact on women regardless of their religious background. These laws restricted women’s legal rights, such as abolishing their testimony in court, and further disadvantaged women by introducing income tax with Zakat, coupled with the SAP.
The NIF has also worked against all democratic principles to come into power by a military coup in 1989, suppressing political dissent and dismissing government employees, particularly those who were affiliated with the Communist Party. This political repression compelled many women, including those who had previously engaged with state-led organizations, to seek alternative avenues for activism. As a result, there was a significant increase in women’s participation in non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as they sought to engage in political and social change outside the confines of the repressive state apparatus.
Women’s organizations that opposed the NIF’s policies faced significant repression and marginalization. The government actively suppressed those who spoke out against the regime and faced severe consequences, including imprisonment and persecution. Women’s groups had to go underground, making it hard for them to fight for women’s rights effectively. This environment of fear and intimidation significantly hindered the growth and development of the women’s movement in Sudan.
Progress and Setbacks: Sudanese Women in the Post-Revolution Era
With the evolution of the Internet, social media platforms offered the Sudanese women’s movement the ability to mobilize and organize protests. During the Sudanese uprising that started in December 2018 that ousted the NIF regime, women actively participated online to organize and call for their demands. Online platforms offered women a multifaceted understanding of “freedom,” enclosing freedom from poverty, fear, and oppressive laws. However, the protests and online debates during the revolution offered a platform for diverse motivations, including the desire for safety, economic security, and social justice, which emerged originally from the daily struggles of ordinary women, particularly those from marginalized communities. The influx of women from rural areas with experiences of displacement and trauma broadened the scope of the movement to address issues such as peace, security, sexual and gender-based violence, and the intersectionality of gender with other forms of discrimination.
Feminist groups started mobilizing online in 2019 and then organized a series of demonstrations across Sudan, with central protests taking place in front of the Ministry of Justice in Khartoum and similar protests in other cities. These protests aimed to denounce discriminatory articles, such as one allowing the early marriage of girls as young as 10 years, embedded within Sudan’s personal status laws, as well as demanded to abolish the public order law. Women’s rights groups in other cities across Sudan echoed the call to action with simultaneous protests of their own. Once protest images were shared on social media, the immediate backlash triggered accusations that the protesters aimed to dismantle Sharia law. Some even resorted to personal attacks, completely missing the protest’s purpose and instead criticizing the protesters’ dress codes and physical appearance. Despite facing backlash and attacks, the movement succeeded in achieving significant amendments to the personal status law and repeal of the public order law.
The revolution fostered greater inclusion within the women’s movement, bringing together more women from diverse backgrounds, rural and urban. However, challenges with internal divisions persisted, stemming from factors such as class, ethnicity, and differing political affiliations. Despite the initial optimism surrounding the digital sphere’s potential to empower women’s rights activism, the digital platforms have ultimately reflected and reinforced existing patriarchal structures, limiting the movement’s transformative impact. The same forces that marginalized women in other aspects of life limited their access to and participation in this digital space, excluding many from its potential benefits, such as reaching wider audiences and mobilizing protests effectively.
Women’s movement activism and political polarization online amid the ongoing war in Sudan:
The outbreak of war in 2023, however, has once again threatened women’s rights and undermined their progress. The war has extended beyond the physical battlefield, with both warring factions utilizing online platforms to manipulate public opinion and reinforce their narratives. While SAF has garnered support from the Islamist, some armed movements and various political and individual allies, they have also launched a broad social media campaign accusing citizens of backing the RSF based on their ethnicity and political backgrounds . The actions taken by the political parties,political parties, trade unions, some armed movements, and part of civil society organizations represented in the Coordination Body of the Democratic and Civil Forces (Taqaddum),such as the signing of the Addis Ababa Declaration between Taqaddum and the Rapid Support Forces on January 2, 2024, have faced criticism and attacks from the SAF and their supporters, who seek to link these parties with the RSF, known for their crimes against civilians and their infrastructure. As a result, digital spaces have become polarized between supporters of the SAF and the RSF, with women’s rights activists and journalists being targeted by both opposing factions. This conflict has led to mutual attacks that undermine freedom of expression. While male actors remain the predominant source of antagonism toward female political activists and women’s rights defenders, a concerning pattern of lateral hostility has emerged, with women from diverse political coalitions engaging in antagonistic online interactions.
Based on Data from the Monitoring Project at Hopes and Actions Foundation, intra-movement conflict presents a significant challenge to advancing women’s rights within the Sudanese political landscape. For instance, in September 2024, a prominent Sudanese female journalist and political activist faced online bullying by her female counterparts for criticizing the public’s celebratory response to the military’s takeover of an RSF-controlled area in one of Sudan’s regions. The journalist argued that celebrating a victory between two warring military factions, both part of the former oppressive regime, was misplaced, as she highlighted the human cost of the conflict, including lives lost, infrastructure destroyed, and economic devastation. She argued that celebration should only come after an end to this war, with justice and peace being served. In another case, in November 2024, another prominent journalist’s Facebook post about the military’s takeover of the RSF-controlled area in the Blue Nile region sparked online harassment. Her phrasing, perceived as delegitimizing the military’s efforts, resulted in accusations of her support to the other warring party from other women activists. These two cases demonstrated the complex narratives surrounding the war, the power of language, and the direct attack journalists encounter when advocating for social change
The core concern is that internal divisions will weaken the collective voice of women advocating for transitional justice and support for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). For instance, another women’s rights advocate, while sharing her documentation of RSF SGBV crimes, also seemingly turned a blind eye to similar crimes committed by SAF’s soldiers against women. Such dynamics can definitely complicate the efforts to prioritize the needs of all survivors. The political polarization can be detrimental to women’s rights in conflict zones. It created divisions that hindered collective action and allowed political elites to manipulate reforms for their own gain. One interviewee argued that the political polarization has “disrupted” the agenda, making it superficial and focusing more on political conflicts. She also points to the “monopoly on feminist work” by certain groups and the suppression of independent movements as major consequences of polarization.
Both interviewees stated that political polarization significantly impacts online discourse among women’s rights activists in Sudan, creating a hostile and intimidating environment. Both acknowledge the significance of online harassment and reputational damage, with one interviewee emphasizing the broader impact on the women’s movement, highlighting the “decline and shrinkage” of collective work and the “paralysis” of collective action due to fears of online repercussions. The other interviewee focuses more narrowly on the role of hate speech, specifically highlighting its amplification by warring parties and their media outlets in targeting women activists within Sudan.
Conclusion
Polarization has a multifaceted impact, ranging from subtle shifts in the feminist agenda toward political expediency to disruptions of the movement’s core objectives and suppression of independent voices. Furthermore, political polarization has significantly impacted the online space, creating a hostile and intimidating environment for women’s rights activists and hindering their ability to engage in collective action effectively. This “horizontal hostility” phenomenon undermines the collective power of women’s movements and impedes progress towards their shared objectives. Further research is necessary to explore the underlying causes and consequences of this internal discord and to develop strategies for fostering greater solidarity and collaboration among women activists in Sudan.
Recommendation
Addressing political polarization within the Sudanese women’s movement requires a multi-pronged approach. Firstly, fostering open and honest dialogue among women’s rights activists from diverse backgrounds is crucial. This includes creating safe spaces for critical self-reflection, acknowledging and addressing the historical and contemporary factors that contribute to this polarization, and fostering understanding and respect for diverse perspectives. Finally, promoting inclusive and participatory decision-making processes within the women’s movement is crucial. This includes ensuring that the voices of marginalized women, including those from rural areas, conflict-affected areas, the informal sector, and diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds, are heard and amplified. By addressing these challenges, the Sudanese women’s movement can overcome internal divisions, strengthen its collective action, and continue its vital work toward achieving gender equality and social justice.